In these terms, the question would not be whether the state has the right to tax, but whether taxation is necessary to the means effecting the purpose of the state in protecting and preserving the lives of the citizens.
Interestingly, a determination to break faith with those who break faith sounds very much like the "tit for tat" strategy in , where good faith is rewarded with good faith, and bad faith with bad faith.
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This must be examined in some detail, beginning with Machiavelli's advice to a prince:
For by arming your subjects, you make their arms your own .
However, he was no disciple of Machiavelli just .
When Machiavelli recommends that the Prince be prepared to break his word, to lie, betray, murder, deceive, break treaties, and act "against mercy, against faith, against humanity, against frankness, [and] against religion," are these actions that offend morality?
He did not admire tyranny; he did not admire, but despised, Caesar.
Where Berlin sees Machiavelli as endorsing ruthless behavior as in politics, this also contradicts Machiavelli himself, who says that Prince "must stick to the good so long as he can, but, being compelled by necessity, he must be ready to take the way of evil." Machiavelli never shrinks from describing the behavior as "evil," and does not use the argument that Berlin stands ready to provide for him, that this "evil" is in terms of the new (or old) morality with which Machiavelli is replacing that of Christianity.
I'm neither proud of it nor ashamed; it's the means we have.
The role that Berlin believes Machiavelli plays is to have by his theory in a dramatic fashion a between two systems of value that were in fact , namely the values that, as a Renaissance Humanist, Machiavelli inherited from Classical Antiquity, which were of "civic virtue" and the communal political life of the human being, whom Aristotle called a "political animal," over and against the values of Christianity, which elevated the individual, meekness, humility, modesty, and renunciation of the world above political life.
Has not this violated the Professor's principles?
Berlin affirms that belief in the unity of truth and the good has been part of the common intellectual, political, and religious heritage of European civilization -- as indeed it would be of any other on Earth.
We see the rationale next:He chuckled.
If there is to be peace and civil order between people who adhere to such conflicting systems of value, they must be prepared to practice compromise and be tolerant towards others, which becomes the basis of liberal society.